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Registered Name: CANADIAN FOUNDATION FOR MASORTI JUDAISM

Business Number: 129713988RR0001

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Our Mission

The Masorti Movement is a pluralistic, religious movement in Israel affiliated with Masorti/Conservative Judaism around the world.

The Canadian Foundation for Masorti Judaism educates about Masorti/Conservative Judaism, and supports the work of the Masorti/Conservative Movement in Israel which promotes scholarship, Zionism, and religious tolerance pluralism within the context of modern Israeli society.

The Foundation raises funds to support Masorti/Conservative programmes in Israel in its many synagogue centres (kehillot), its NOAM Youth Movement and Marom students and young adults organization, Schechter Institute of Judaic Studies, The Conservative Yeshiva, TALI Enrichment School Programmes, Kibbutz Hanaton, Bar/Bat Mitzvah Programme for Children with Disabilities, and many other programmes. We continue to progress in the fields of family education, outreach, leadership and community development.

The Canadian Foundation for Masorti Judaism also serves, with MERCAZ-Canada, as the Movement’s voice to Canadian media public officials, and Jewish leadership.

About CANADIAN FOUNDATION FOR MASORTI JUDAISM

Founded in 1979, the Masorti Movement is the umbrella organization of Masorti kehillot (congregations and communities) which aim to promote a healthy, pluralistic, spiritual and ethical foundation for Israeli society. Masorti Judaism is guided by halakhah, combining Jewish law and tradition with an open approach to scholarship, Jewish life, Zionism, and the ideals and values of each new generation. Canadian Foundation for Masorti Judaism works in cooperation with MERCAZ-Canada and the Masorti Movement in Israel to foster and strengthen Masorti/Conservative Judaism, based on the ideals of tradition and tolerance, study and spirituality, and social action and love of Israel.

Additional objectives of Canadian Foundation for Masorti Judaism are:

What People Are Saying

""As [a member of] the second generation, raised in the Masorti Movement in Israel, I believe this is a historic moment, where we can be significant active partners in influencing the character of Israeli society.""

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Leader of all Shiites

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Submission to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights

Dear Commissioner King:

Human Rights Watch has examined human rights violations in Eritrea since independence in 1991, but especially the steady deterioration of human rights since 2001. In that year, the government closed all independent newspapers, arrested their journalists, and arrested government officials and others critical of President Isaias Afwerki. Since then, the rule of law has been notably absent. Instead, President Isaias exercises totalitarian, often brutal, control.

Eritrea remains closed to human rights organizations, including every United Nations Special Rapporteur who has applied for a visa. Because of Eritrea’s exclusionary policy, our information about human rights violations comes primarily from the very large number of Eritreans who have fled the country because of government oppression. Although their individual accounts differ in details, their overall descriptions of the government’s sweeping restrictions on basic rights are remarkably consistent.

The information that Human Rights Watch has obtained describes autocratic governance that violates essential safeguards in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. We discuss our findings in greater detail in an annex to this letter.

Eritrea denies rights based on political opinion and religion. (Art.1). It subjects its citizens to exploitation and degradation through “national service” that traps conscripts for well over a decade and in some cases, forever. (Art. 5). Conscripts as well as civilians are frequently subject to inhuman and degrading punishment, including torture, without recourse. (Art. 5).

Arrests are arbitrary and not subject to judicial review or appeal; until recently, close family members were fined or imprisoned when another member fled the country. (Arts. 6,7). The then-15-year-old daughter of a former minister who fled the country has been jailed incommunicado for over five years, since 2012, as was the minister’s then-84-year-old father; neither has been given a hearing before an impartial tribunal. Journalists and government officials arrested in 2001 have never been brought to trial and remain in incommunicado detention despite two African Commission resolutions urging their release or at least a fair trial. [1] Unconfirmed reports from a former prison guard state that over half of the 21 officials and journalists included in the Commission resolutions have died during their nearly 17-year captivity.

Citizens have been imprisoned without trial and abused for practicing religion not sanctioned by the government. (Art. 8). No independent media or nongovernmental organizations have been allowed to exist. (Arts. 9, 10). Unsanctioned departure from the country is punishable, so thousands flee surreptitiously each month. (Art. 12). For several years, Eritrea had a “shoot-to-kill” policy for citizens trying to flee; the policy appears to have been implemented less consistently in recent years, but has not been altogether abandoned, according to interviewees.

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Tae Kim's Guide to Learning Japanese

Posted on SoftWalk Jupiter XP6UADU8
by Tae Kim

Contents [ hide ]

Expressing the ability to do something

In Japanese, the ability to do a certain action is expressed by conjugating the verb rather than adding a word such as the words “can” or “able to” in the case of English. All verbs conjugated into the potential form become a ru-verb.

Once again, the conjugation rules can be split into three major groups: ru-verbs, u-verbs, and exception verbs. However, the potential form of the verb 「 する 」 (meaning “to do”) is a special exception because it becomes a completely different verb: 「 できる 」 ( 出来る

Rules for creating potential form

※Remember that all potential verbs become ru-verbs.

It is also possible to just add 「れる」 instead of the full 「られる」 for ru-verbs. For example, 「 食べる 」 becomes 「 食べれる 」 instead of 「 食べられる 」. I suggest learning the official 「られる」 conjugation first because laziness can be a hard habit to break and the shorter version, though common, is considered to be slang.

The potential form indicates that something is possible but no actual action is actually taken. While the potential form is still a verb, because it is describing the state of feasibility, in general, you don’t want to use the direct object 「を」 as you would with the non-potential form of the verb. For example the following sentences sound unnatural.

Here are the versions using either 「が」 or 「は」 instead:

There are two verbs 「 見える 」 and 「 聞こえる 」 that mean that something is visible and audible, respectively. When you want to say that you can see or hear something, you’ll want to use these verbs. If however, you wanted to say that you were given the opportunity to see or hear something, you would use the regular potential form. However, in this case, it is more common to use the type of expression as seen in example 3.

You can see that example 3 uses the generic noun for an event to say literally, “The event of seeing movie was able to be done.” which essentially means the same thing as 「 見られる 」. You can also just use generic noun substitution to substitute for 「 こと 」.

Here’s some more examples using 「 聞く 」, can you tell the difference? Notice that 「 聞こえる 」 always means “audible” and never “able to ask”.

You can say that something has a possibility of existing by combining 「 ある 」 and the verb 「 得る 」 to produce 「 あり得る 」. This essentially means 「 ある こと できる 」 except that nobody actually says that, they just use 「 あり得る 」. This verb is very curious in that it can be read as either 「 ありうる 」 or 「 ありえる 」, however ; all the other conjugations such as 「 ありえない 」、「 ありえた 」、and 「 ありえなかった 」 only have one possible reading using 「え」.

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